So, we take some ANONYMOUS conservatives blogger's (his 'name' is Engram) idea on what the census bureau numbers mean - wow - are there any numbers that are any good?How about 2 + 2 = 4 - or is that under contention as well? Will you find some op-ed
article that proves that the sum is 5?
Oh, and Engram's little theory has a major problem - his income numbers include in-kind benefits - it appears that Engram's income increases are loaded in the increase in health insurance that the company pays - so, while your 'total' income (which includes in-kind benefits in Engram's supposition) has increased - it is an increase that you don't see in your take-home pay - but, what your employer has paid to have you employed has increased - fuzzy money that doesn't count as
real income under the standard definition.
If you look at the chart that he is using from the Tax Policy center - they don't adjust for inflation, unlike the Census numbers did. Allowing for inflation the numbers are pretty similar -
If you allow for inflation (sensible) and the fact that gains you don't see, such as additional health care costs paid for by the employer shouldn't be allowed (sensible) then the numbers would look just the same - a slight decrease over the Bush years.
Can't you even say that perhaps real income has gone down under Bush? The numbers show it - but, no, you have to argue against census bureau numbers using a 'I won't reveal my real name' blog?
Oh, here is a great comment from the blog - which pretty much sums it up for me...
Why do you choose to remain anonymous? Why can't you name your "major research university." To do so would bolster your credibility.
Similarly, not one of your commentators feels free enough to sign their post.
What's behind this self-censorship?
John Freeland (A
non anonymous Harvard guy in Economics. Uber liberal - the man thinks 16 year olds should be allowed to vote - aggghhhh - but at least he doesn't hide behind anonymity)
I never cited any of that blog's numbers, only what it points out in regards to the systematic error in the Census Bureau's numbers. Nothing in your little rant there in any way logically disproves any part of what I quoted. It only makes ad hominem attacks and raises irrelevant red herrings.
You might wanna try countering
my argument, and not look to smear the source of the points in my argument.
My points that I get from him still stand, and your numbers quoted from him are discredited.
Also, you still have yet to put those numbers in context. You only cite them which gives only a superficial examination.
This link puts the numbers you cite in better context. Here is an excerpt:
First, comparisons are made to an artificially high benchmark -- the late 1990s "tech bubble."
Remember the dot-com binge. Wages rose sharply; bonuses and cash incentives mushroomed. Unemployment and poverty dropped. In 2000, the jobless rate among white men 20 and over was 2.8 percent. But all these gains reflected a boom that, though pleasurable, was temporary and unsustainable. Stocks are now trading below their 2000 highs. Using these years as the base for comparison makes later years look bad.
Picking 1997 -- the last pre-boom year -- is more realistic. From 1997 to 2007, median household income rose $2,600, roughly 5 percent. Though hardly spectacular, that's not stagnation. The poverty rate in 2007 was slightly lower than in 1997.
Second, immigration distorts commonly cited statistics.
Low-skilled immigrants, concentrated among Hispanics, outnumber the high-skilled. They drag down median incomes and raise poverty and the number of uninsured. One way to filter out the effect on income is to examine groups with few immigrants or their American-born children. Consider non-Hispanic white families. From 1997 to 2007, their median incomes rose about $6,000, to $69,937, a gain of about 9 percent. For black families, the increase was also about 9 percent, though only to $40,222. Again, not stagnation.
Immigration's effects on poverty and health insurance coverage are greater. Since 1990, Hispanics numerically account for all the increase in the number of officially poor. Similarly, immigrants represented 55 percent of the increase of the uninsured from 1994 to 2006, says the Employee Benefit Research Institute. Many unskilled workers can't get well-paid jobs with insurance.
Third, the census figures understate income gains by not counting fringe benefits.
Census counts only money income -- wages, salaries, dividends, interest payments. But compensation growth is increasingly channeled into fringes. From 2000 to 2007, only 53 percent of the increase in average compensation came from wages and salaries, says economist Gary Burtless of the Brookings Institution. The rest went to health insurance (21 percent), pension contributions (19 percent) and payroll taxes (6 percent). Americans understandably feel they're on a treadmill. They don't see fringe benefits in their paychecks, and small year-to-year cash gains barely register.
The real economic report card is both better and worse than imagined. The big advances of the rich (which occurred mostly in the 1980s and 1990s and reversed slightly last year) haven't prevented most Americans from achieving grudging gains. But a continuation of present trends would imperil future prosperity.
If health-care spending remains uncontrolled, Americans will see more of their compensation diverted from take-home pay into insurance that mainly benefits (as insurance should) a small proportion of very sick people. Similarly, if the immigration of low-skilled workers continues unabated -- whether they're legal or illegal -- the ranks of the poor will swell, as will the uninsured or the costs of providing government insurance.
The numbers you cite are a statistical slight of hand. That is the only reason to cite from
2000 to 2007, it distorts and gives a false impression.
Also, how exactly do you define income?
This article shows the problem with that. How narrow or broad are you going to define it? And what is the justification? You cannot just arbitrarily define it however you want so it is benifitial to whatever point you are trying to make. You have to give a rational explaination to justify however you think it should objectively be defined.
So what we have is numbers you cite that are ment to distort the picture in a certian way. They are based in
perception, not hard figures (Census Bureau); they mislead by citing an artificial high as the base point from which they begin their analysis (2000) and they arbitrarally define income as they damn well please to support their point of view (circular reasoning?).
I was attempting to show that spending works on both sides - and that one side isn't totally to blame
I understand that. But as you originally worded it, claiming that it was a myth the democratic party was the party of tax and spend, what you cited as proof of that being a myth was sloppy at best.
If you are going to look at weather or not that view is valid, the single best indicator is what I laid out; look at the programs and policies that the two parties support, if not pass. To not look at that is foolish. To look at the points you raised
instead of that is downright misrepresentive of the truth and only serves to cloud the issue. The facts you brought up are tangential at best, and a red herring at worst, when it comes to examining the validity of that view.
the facts you bring up serve as a substitute for a direct indicator; the can only possibly infer anything about the view in question. That is fine, if that is all you have to go by, but it is either foolish or dishonest to look indirect indicator and give it more weight then a direct indicator when you have that direct indicator of looking at the policies and programs supported by the two parties.
While your indirect indicator may support one view, it cannot logically counter the direct indicator that I have laid out, which supports a different view.
during one of the most spend happy times recently - Reagan - the Democratic congress actually lowered non-military discretionary spending by 14%.
But why was this? It is very likely that is was due to the fact that the president was from a different party and ideology and very effective, so they wanted to diminish his power as much as possible. It has more to do with political infighting among the executive and legislative branch when they are controlled by different parties then anything about weather or not the the democrats are the party of tax and spend.
That is part of the reason why it is a less strong and indirect indicator; it is less clear why those results happen. You want to be able to isolate the motivation as much as possible, so you don't look at the results coming out of the government to prove or disprove the notion of the democrats as the party of tax and spend. Then factors such as political power plays, political pragmatism, and a whole host of other variables are allowed in and only serve to muddy up the water.
The president does propose a budget - it is reviewed, challenged and changed by congress - and then the president and congress do go back and forth. There have been times when it has been months before the two come to a 'meeting of the minds' and the president signs off on it - the president does have to sign off on it Shag - as Truman said - the buck stops here. The budget is a combination of the two branches of government.
The president
does propose a budget. But that doesn't mean it is reviewed, challenged and changed by congress. Again, as Tip O'Neil famously said, Reagan's budget was DOA upon arrival to the legislature. Congress is in no way required to even look at the budget proposal by the president. and the only "back and forth" between the president and Congress concerns the potential veto of the budget.
And once again - who actually take proposals and creates the tax code - it is congress - the President 'just' proposes it, and then with congress the two branches of government work out a compromise - I guess the Reagan tax cuts were also a product of his Democratic congress - right? That is your simplistic approach Shag - let's take it to its natural conclusion here as well. You can't have one without the other - right? Tax cuts/increases are also creditable to only the congress.
Now you are exagurating and distorting my point to mischaracterize it...
Reagan got his tax cuts through, not by going back and forth with Congress, but by going
around Congress and appealling to the American people. That in turn put pressure on Congress from their consituents and got his tax cuts passed. That is why Reagan is called the great communicator.
The Democratic congress was the last to get on board with the tax cuts. Reagan proposed it, the American people got behind it and that forced Congress to accept it.
And I don't argue that Democrats don't spend like crazy - I just believe that both sides spend like crazy. They spend in different areas, but they both spend. I was showing that it is a myth that Republicans don't spend money - the numbers show they do - lots, as much as the Dems.
You called it a myth the the democrats were the party of tax and spend. Nothing you have cited disproves that. Yes, in recent years, the republicans have spent way too much, and that is due to a number of things, but political ideology is not one of them. If anything, the high spending runs in the face of conservatism.
You are also looking at things in arbitrary isolation; comparing spending under various administrations. What about comparing different congresses.
Actually, if you want to look at outcomes, how about looking at the various democrat programs and/or policies passed in the last 50 years and looking at the various republican programs/policies passed in the last fifty years, then adding up the price tag?
And I was also showing that you can't assign blame completely to either the legislative branch or the executive branch. They do work together (or against each other) to create how much this country spends and taxes.
Actually, one branch has a
lot of power in that area and one branch has very little. So assigning blame equally and not acknowledging that fact is
extremely dishonest and a rather obvious attempt to obfuscate.
I think actually what is your problem (and the right in general) with the Dems spending is that it is different than Reps spending (and the opposite is also true). The military machine is an excusable and necessary expense for the right, human care needs are excusable and necessary expenses for the left. The idea we spend is 'stomachable' if the money is being spent where you believe it should be spent.
Actually, it is a little different. Military spending by the government is constitutionally and morally justified, entitlement spending is not. And spending beyond your means is plain foolish. Republican, traditionally, have been the party of fiscal responsibility (at least in comparison to the dems) and the dems have been the party of wasteful spending. Recently, the republican's have strayed from being the party of fiscal responsibility, and that was probably the biggest factor in their defeat in the past two elections.
What you are doing here is using cloudy facts to draw illogical conclusions that only muddy the waters here.