How Barack Obama lost his mojo

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What happened to the magician of last year's presidential campaign?
It's all about context

Sep 06, 2009 04:30 AM

http://www.thestar.com/news/insight/article/691563

Mitch Potter
Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON–They may not agree on much, but observers of the American condition are in ever-greater numbers remarking upon a telltale change as President Barack Obama scrambles to find the bottom of a precipitous tumble in public approval.
To the utter delight of the right and just as vexing to many Democrat stalwarts, the question today is whither Obama's mojo?
Conservative commentator Charles Krauthammer put a fine point on it in Friday's Washington Post, declaring that "the charismatic conjurer of 2008 has shed his magic" against the flames of a raging health-care debate."What has occurred – irreversibly – is this: He's become ordinary. The spell is broken," wrote Krauthammer.
"For a man who only recently bred a cult, ordinariness is a great burden, and for his acolytes, a crushing disappointment. Obama has become a politician like others."
Reality does not seem quite so grim from the Democratic vantage, where the balance of power will remain for at least another 14 months, when mid-term elections put Congress up for grabs.
But with poll numbers showing Obama hanging on to the support of barely 50 per cent of Americans after a month of fear, loathing and high-decibel noise over health care, the party is looking to its president to turn the tide this Wednesday, in what is by any measure a critical address to a joint session of Congress. The task that day is for Obama to once and for all define his vision of the country's health-care future, a high-stakes move that many predict will hitch the success of his presidency to the issue.
If the notion of another Obama speech strikes you as unexceptional, have a gold star for paying attention. Since taking office, he's been giving them willy-nilly, from prime-time news conferences to town halls to major addresses on every one of his administration's policy planks. From a leader who promised greater openness and transparency, one should not have expected otherwise.
But throughout those critical months, as the American mood began to swing under the crush of severe economic recession, the resonance of the words seemed to ebb. And nowhere more so than on health care, where Obama sometimes came across more professorial than presidential, struggling to articulate the shape of reforms that remains uncertain to this day.
"The great lesson here is that eloquence is very often in the eye of the beholder. The mystique came in part from the audience projecting this saintly political quality. And when the mood in the room changes so does the mystique," said Stephen McKenna, a Catholic University scholar specializing in the study of political rhetoric.
"Obama is the same speaker he always was. Even during the campaign last year, I noticed verbal tics and rhetorical weaknesses. But the mood of the audience was such that they didn't bother anyone very much.
"We should always remember that if there is any magic in a democracy, it doesn't emanate just from the leader and his great speeches. That was never contemplated by the founding fathers ... they didn't even know what electrons were."
Mike Paul, a New York City public relations strategist who blogs under the name The Reputation Doctor, wrote in astonishment last year about "the mojo" Obama brought to the microphone. Today, Paul offers careful words of advice for how the resident should proceed in framing the debate.
"In a way, I think his `mojo' is to blame because it gave his team the confidence to take on too much. Obama's prowess, his ego, led this administration to grab on to the biggest issue of all and try to hit it out of the park immediately – health care. Even though it's been a trap for so many before. Look at the Clintons," Paul told the Star.
"And in the meantime, the whole country got much more worried about jobs and debt and the burdens we're putting on our grandchildren with the levels of spending today. So even though President Obama is as strong an orator as before – he hasn't lost his voice, he isn't stumbling with `ums' and incomplete sentences – it is action people are looking for, not talk."
Paul, who makes a living counselling people on such matters, suggests Obama forsake high-minded rhetoric Wednesday and hold to what he knows he can deliver.
"Lack of success has become his Achilles heel. He needs victories, even small ones, right now and in the coming months. He should speak with bravado and confidence, but only in the areas he knows he can accomplish," said Paul.
"The other opening is to call the Republican bluff. Their strategy is to delay health care until it dies, period, in the hope of delivering a massive blow to Obama's prestige. He needs to demand that Americans deserve better than that – he should demand that rather than killing something important just for the sake of killing it, they need to step up with a plan of their own. That's the mojo in this debate."
Though many of Obama's critics on the right expect the president to recover, though not to the heights of election-day frenzy, others caution that too much can be read into polls showing 51 per cent approval. The opposition, they say, includes the disconsolate on both ends of the spectrum, including many on the left who were ready for Obama to implement a mandate of wholesale change but have yet to see it.
So where, then, is the grassroots mojo in this equation – the vocal camp that helped lift Obama to power but appears to have gone all but missing as the critical policy debates unfold?
Leftist activists in the U.S. say they have been caught flat-footed since the election, standing pat and watching the debate boil even as right-wing agitators seized momentum last month, organizing grassroots rallies against health-care reform."We were in opposition mode for so many years that it became a struggle to get reoriented to the historic break in ring-wing rule," said Judith Le Blanc, co-ordinator of United for Peace and Justice.
"But now we're trying to get our act together, to become positive, proactive and articulate and build on the hope and belief this election brought. We did get a slow start, but there is a long way to go yet and we are determined to bring to life the grassroots movement that is there waiting to be asked."
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Well,
When the leftist Toronto Star, Canada's largest paper diss's Obama as a self absorbed amateur dillitante it brings to mind for the conservatives a twist on the old truism:
"With (inept) enemies like this, we don't need friends"
 
The trouble with change

Why is reform so tough? Just ask Machiavelli. The Florentine master would have counselled the president to tweak his `change' mantra

Sep 06, 2009 04:30 AM
David Olive
Toronto Star

There's a well-known observation of Niccolo Machiavelli whose every noun and verb describes the tortuous debate over health-care reform in the United States.
"It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out nor more dangerous to handle than to initiate a new order of things; for the reformer has enemies in all those who profit by the old order; and only lukewarm defenders in all those who would profit by the new order; this lukewarmness arising partly from the incredulity of mankind who does not believe in anything new until they actually have experience of it."
Every day, about 10,000 Americans lose their health-care insurance because they no longer can afford the premiums. More than 46 million Americans are without health-care coverage; another 100 million have inadequate coverage. America is the only industrialized country without universal health care. It spends more on health care than any other nation – currently 16 per cent of GDP, heading to 40 per cent by 2050 if cost reforms currently proposed aren't implemented. Yet international surveys consistently rank the U.S. system about 20th in the quality of its health outcomes. No wonder polls consistently show that between two-thirds and three-quarters of Americans want universal health care.
Last Nov. 4, America's Democratic Party won a resounding mandate for the universal health care on which it campaigned, winning the presidency and increasing its majorities in both legislative chambers. Yet genuine, root-and-branch, reform seems unlikely at this writing.
The Dems and other progressives do not control the health-care debate, in which they have allowed themselves to be depicted as "fascists" by GOP adversaries and hate radio. The progressives are poised to dilute their initial, bold reforms, settling yet again for the "changes around the margins" that have characterized health-care "reform" in America since Theodore Roosevelt campaigned in 1912 on universal health care but lost his bid to reclaim the presidency.The old order strikes back
To prevent an encore of the notorious, Big Pharma-financed "Harry and Louise" ads that helped kill "Hillarycare" in 1994, Barack Obama co-opted the drug companies with a promise that any reforms would not allow Uncle Sam to use its clout to extract volume discounts on drug purchasing. So much for controlling costs. Lobbyists employed by the for-profit hospitals have been as ubiquitous as houseflies in the capital this summer, undermining support among Obama's fellow Dems for the president's proposed "public option," a new government insurer to compete with private insurers and "keep them honest." Obama himself counts among his most consulted informal advisors the CEO of Aetna, the private-sector insurer that earlier this decade showed its peers the path to profit by ridding its client roster of high-cost patients. Key health-care committee chairs like the public-option-hating Senator Max Baucus (D-Mont.) are up to their eyeballs in health-care industry campaign donations.
Progressives make lukewarm allies
In the early 20th century, a fire-breathing progressive like William Jennings Bryan, three-time presidential nominee for the Democrats, would have made short work of the scaremongers and falsehood peddlers of this moment. So would FDR, who said of the powerful reactionary forces arrayed against him that "they are unanimous in their hatred of me, and I welcome their hatred."
But today's progressives, beaten down by 30 years of Reagan anti-government orthodoxy, are not up for a fight. Rush Limbaugh can call Obama the second coming of Hitler. But Katrina vanden Heuvel, editor of the liberal bible The Nation, won't make the obvious connection between Sarah "Death Panel" Palin and Ethelred the Unready. The infighting and purism of 1960s-era liberals was insufferable. So is their subsequent reliability in rolling over and playing dead.
Joe Klein, the erstwhile Bill Clinton adulator, recently dismissed the "public option" as a needless distraction. Veteran centre-left observer Michael Kinsley has lent a sympathetic ear to those who fear "change we could do without." Paul Begala, co-strategist with James Carville in Clinton's 1992 upset victory over George H.W. Bush, counsels against "making perfect the enemy of the good" – a premature surrender treatise rapidly adopted by the D.C. punditry, right and left, as a must-read coda of reason at a time when gun-toting protesters appear at town-hall meetings demanding that government "keep its hands off Medicare!" (U.S. Medicare is a government program, for seniors, but never mind.) New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof has been a rare voice saying the broken American system is "health care fit for animals." But then, the Pulitzer-winning Kristof is a foreign correspondent far removed from the Beltway consensus.
Domestic policy is tough
America is among the least governable democracies, and was intended that way with the Founding Fathers' myriad "checks and balances." Teddy Roosevelt built his Panama Canal, Lyndon Johnson fought a disastrous war in Southeast Asia, Richard Nixon embarked on a policy of détente with the Soviet Union and "Red China." All without the say-so of Congress. But try to replace U.S. schools dating from the Civil War era, and a president is tied up in knots faster than you can say "filibuster." The super-majority of 60 votes required to get big things done in the U.S. Senate was romanticized by Frank Capra in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington. The filibuster, in fact, is among the least democratic practices imaginable. There are 51 votes today in the Senate to impose health-care reforms so that Americans "actually have experience of it," but not the 60 to break a filibuster.
Fareed Zakaria, author of the bestselling The Post-American World, identifies this domestic-policy gridlock as "America's fatal flaw." Confronted with a crisis like the events of Dec. 7, 1941, or the global financial meltdown just passed, the U.S. rises quickly and with awesome power to the task at hand. But the challenge with health care – as with energy self-sufficiency, decaying infrastructure and global heating – says Zakaria, is that it is a problem "of slow and steady decline, producing no crisis, no Pearl Harbor, no 9/11. As a result, we seem incapable of grappling with it seriously."
This is why most U.S. chief executives eventually give up and become "foreign-policy presidents." The impediments to action are far fewer. And the company you keep – fellow heads of state – don't call you a genocidal dictator.
The booboisie strikes back
The proudly untutored on whom H.L. Mencken bestowed that term were lively fodder for America's most popular newspaper columnist of his time. Or as Robert Kennedy more charitably put it: "One-fifth of the people are against everything all the time." The Florentine philosopher might have noted the credulity of a misinformed populace. Many Americans believe Obama, as one GOP senator declared, wants "to pull the plug on Grandma." (What one congressional committee actually proposed was that Uncle Sam pick up the tab for the end-of-life consultations among patients, doctors and family that occur thousands of times each day, a non-government summit which Limbaugh, it's widely believed, was first to label "death panels.") They think "Obamacare" will deny Americans their choice of doctors and treatment. (This much-feared "rationing" already is done by private-sector insurers by selectively denying coverage.)
But then, lunatic ideas always have thrived in America at times like this, Rick Perlstein explained recently in a Washington Post essay that alas was not hailed as a must-read by D.C.'s opinion-shapers. "In America, the crazy tree blooms in every moment of liberal ascendancy, and elites exploit the crazy for their own narrow interests."Obama is to address a joint session of Congress on Wednesday to drive a stake through the lunatic beliefs. Good luck with that.
David Olive is a business and current affairs columnist for the Star.
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It remains to be seen if Obama has the balls to push through his agenda which changes every day like his campaign did.
 
It's not "reform" being pushed here, it's revolutionary.
It's a fundamental shift of the institutions that define our country.

Those two articles, the first being highly biased, the second appropriately biased noting that it's an editorial, misrepresent the debate and those who oppose the Progressive agenda.

Obama is losing his "mojo" because people are beginning to understand who he is. That he isn't the blank slate in which they can simply project their ideals onto. He is a radical progressive leftist. He has surrounded himself with radical progressives. And he fully intends to advance radical change.

The aggressive agenda wasn't a tactical mistake. It was their only chance. It was inevitable that the public would begin to recognize who this man was. He needed to bank all of his political capital fast, overload the system, and get things through before the public realized what was going on.

What they didn't anticipate was the growing strength of alternative news sources like talk radio, the internet, and the growing relevance of Fox News (the only news network that isn't in bed with the administration) getting news out to the public.

The health care bill was about to pass, just days from passing. If the pressure delaying the vote until after the August recess, it would have passed.
 
Articles from foreign countries offer an expanded point of view of our situation.
This can only help the debate.
These articles from leftist neighbor Canada with opinions and points of view misrepresented or not say that Obama is failng and unlikely to succeed very far.
It seems lucky for us that Obama underestimates his adversaries and believes advertizing his plans to his fans is enough to make them come to pass.
Bill Maher is right when he says that love or hate him, Bush accomplished passing most of his agenda. unlike Obama who's too busy looking in the vanity mirror.
 
Articles from foreign countries offer an expanded point of view of our situation.
It certainly can.
And to be clear, I didn't take issue with what you posted, I just commented on it.

It seems lucky for us that Obama underestimates his adversaries and believes advertizing his plans to his fans is enough to make them come to pass.
Bill Maher is right when he says that love or hate him, Bush accomplished passing most of his agenda. unlike Obama who's too busy looking in the vanity mirror.
Bill Maher isn't right.
Bush had a very limited agenda, and I really don't think he accomplished very much of it at all. Tax cuts. What else really? But regardless, none of the Bush accomplishments were radical or system changing. And they weren't done in shadows either.

This is in stark contrast to Obama.
The changes he's making are fundamental changes. And much of it is going on behind on scene, hidden in bills, and bureaucrat thing.

I do think Obama buys into his own cult-worship. I do think that has lead to some over confidence. But I don't think him being in front of this "issue" would help advance his socialist cause, merely increase his personal image investment and liability in it.
 

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