ATLANTA MOTEL v. UNITED STATES specifically dealt with Title II, and the court unanimously found it to be constitutional regarding its use of the commerce clause:
Appellant, the owner of a large motel in Atlanta, Georgia, which restricts its clientele to white persons, three-fourths of whom are transient interstate travelers, sued for declaratory relief and to enjoin enforcement of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, contending that the prohibition of racial discrimination in places of public accommodation affecting commerce exceeded Congress' powers under the Commerce Clause and violated other parts of the Constitution. A three-judge District Court upheld the constitutionality of Title II, 201 (a), (b) (1) and (c) (1), the provisions attacked, and on appellees' counterclaim permanently enjoined appellant from refusing to accommodate Negro guests for racial reasons. Held:
1. Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 is a valid exercise of Congress' power under the Commerce Clause as applied to a place of public accommodation serving interstate travelers. Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 , distinguished. Pp. 249-262.
(a) The interstate movement of persons is "commerce" which concerns more than one State. Pp. 255-256.
(b) The protection of interstate commerce is within the regulatory power of Congress under the Commerce Clause whether or not the transportation of persons between States is "commercial." P. 256.
(c) Congress' action in removing the disruptive effect which it found racial discrimination has on interstate travel is not invalidated because Congress was also legislating against what it considered to be moral wrongs. P. 257.
(d) Congress had power to enact appropriate legislation with regard to a place of public accommodation such as appellant's motel even if it is assumed to be of a purely "local" character, as Congress' power over interstate commerce extends to the regulation of local incidents thereof which might have a substantial and harmful effect upon that commerce. P. 258.
(2) The prohibition in Title II of racial discrimination in public accommodations affecting commerce does not violate the Fifth [379 U.S. 241, 242] Amendment as being a deprivation of property or liberty without due process of law. Pp. 258-261.
(3) Such prohibition does not violate the Thirteenth Amendment as being "involuntary servitude." P. 261.
This is of course a brief summary. If you really want to delve into the specific justifications and precedents they used to come to these conclusions, you need to read the entire ruling.
Whether you agree or disagree with its opinion, it's established case law and can't be dismissed. It should be noted that the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which used similar language, was found unconstitutional, but for reasons having nothing to do with the commerce clause. The Atlanta Motel case above does address the 1875 CRA rulings and found them irrelevant.
A few more random points:
- The narrow use of the term "public" that some of you insist on using, is a red herring. In the context of the CRA, "public" simply refers to an establishment that is open to the public.
- Comparing racial discrimination in a business setting with discrimination when choosing a mate is another red herring. The CRA doesn't cover personal preferences and biases. It simply says that if you own a business that is open to the public, you can't refuse service to someone based solely on race.
- And just to make things clear to Shag, who loves strict definitions, I use the term "discrimination" in the rest of this post in the following context:
(with against) distinct treatment of an individual or group to their disadvantage. Treatment or consideration based on class or category rather than individual merit; partiality or prejudice, specifically racial discrimination; discrimination against foreigners or the arbitrary imposition of unequal tariffs for substantially the same service.
NOT
a distinction; discernment, the act of discriminating, discerning, distinguishing, noting or perceiving differences between things.
As I have pointed out in a different thread, for most of the 20th century, the SCOTUS has been dominated by a school of thought that recognizes no objective standard in it's interpretation of the constitution. Those courts have regularly said that certain laws which are clearly unconstitutional are, in their estimation, constitutional (and vice versa). This has lead to an expansion of governmental power and distortion of the constitution in numerous areas. Legal fictions like "substantive due process" and "incorporation" have, effectively, been written into the constitution by 9 unelected justices.
This is your opinion, and you're entitled to it. But simply asserting that something is "clearly unconstitutional" is a bit arrogant don't you think? Many, if not most, SCOTUS rulings have been controversial. Does the fact that you find some of their rulings unpalatable mean we should abandon that system? Your derisive use of the phrase "9 unelected justices" suggests that you have a problem with the way the framers set up the judicial branch.
Article III, Section 1:
The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.
That's the system we were given.
Of course, I know your real complaint isn't with the court system
per se, but specifically with
who sits on the bench. Guess what? I have some problems with some judges too, but I'll assume my picks for bad judges are different than yours. Representative democracy sure is a bitch isn't it?
Whether Title II of the CRA is constitutional, and the related issue of how the commerce clause is used or abused has always been controversial. The commerce clause has been used to justify federal criminalization of child pornography, even though the vast majority of it is disseminated through file sharing and usenet, where there is no exchange of money (commerce). But no one (that I know of) is suggesting we reverse those laws.
The real question, then, is this: Who's going to be foolish enough to challenge - again - the constitutionality of Title II or seriously attempt to abolish it? What court is going to overturn it? Even if it were overturned, what do you expect to gain besides a shallow victory for "liberty" and "private property" in name only?
What would we lose? You can argue that racial discrimination in a place of business would be a "bad business decision", so no one would practice it, therefore Title II is redundant. Yet that is a questionable conclusion. We'll never return to the days of Jim Crow and "Colored Only", but there will be tiny pockets where discrimination will return.
So is it worth fighting this fight? I don't see the upside. Certainly nothing of real substance. This is just another attack on the all-evil government. Which brings us back to Rand Paul.
The man said something stupid in the name of his "principles", and he rightly got beat up for it. I don't believe for a minute that Paul is a racist, but I do believe that he's a greenhorn politician who doesn't know when to let something go.
There is this obsession, especially to those on the right, with being perfectly "consistent" on every issue. That somehow, never budging from a position, no matter how different the question, is something to be admired and emulated. The rest of us would refer to that as "rigidity" or perhaps "mindless servility to doctrine". It doesn't require thinking about an individual issue on its merits. There is simply a
right answer and the
wrong answer. This works great in a perfect world, but not in
our world. Go ahead and call me a "moral relativist" all you want, but some of us recognize that there isn't a one-size-fits-all solution to every problem.
Anyway...
That Title II is or is not constitutional is a moot point because there is no easy, cut and dried way to determine that, despite all your appeals to "originalism" or "strict constructionism". We have our SCOTUS decisions and we'll have to live with them. However Title II's scope is narrow enough that it's difficult to find examples where it has hurt business, let alone individual "liberty".
And it is dangerous to view the SCOTUS as an unquestionable arbiter of what is and is not Constitutional. The Dred Scott decision is a great example of that fact. At it's best the rulings of the SCOTUS are an imperfect reflection of constitutionality, at it's worst, the rulings of the SCOTUS have absolutely nothing to do with constitutionality and are simply a means to enact a political agenda.
Very true. Gore v. Bush is a prime example. Sorry, I couldn't resist.