Top 1 percent took in 23.5 percent of total income

The opening paragraph of this article really says it all:
President Barack Obama capped a rollout of new economic policies with a combative speech Wednesday that tipped the Democratic plan for the fall campaign: attack the Republicans' policies and try to monopolize the economic message until Election Day.
This is a desperate political offense by the democrats to change the focus from their policies and worldview to a straw man misrepresentation of their opponents views and actions. The fact that they are not appealing to reason but to class envy only highlights their desperation.
 
They're frantic because they know it's gonna be a bloodbath this November.

The American people are not ready for socialism, and the Democrats messed up and exposed themselves as the Socialist Party.

Now there will be hell to pay.
 
If we can't get away from the emotionally charged class envy rhetoric there is no chance of any objective discussion of these issues.

Do you agree that there is an inherent boom and bust cycle in the economy?


I can agree there are rises and falls. I just dont believe they are unmanageable.

All I'm saying is, the key is the little guy. The guy like most of us. We are the ones who drive production by spending disposable income. We pay the local property taxes that build schools and generate sales tax revenue that funds municipalities, police departments, fire departsments and so on. The little guy is the one who funds social security and medicare.

None of that happens if the little guy is unemployed or underemployed. Wealthy people invest in real estate, but those markets wont come back until people are working and the banks (also owned by the wealthy) start financing again.

The tax cuts have been in place for a number of years, and here we are. I dont see how just keeping those cuts in place at this time does anything positive in this particular situation.
 
I can agree there are rises and falls. I just dont believe they are unmanageable.

All I'm saying is, the key is the little guy. The guy like most of us. We are the ones who drive production by spending disposable income. We pay the local property taxes that build schools and generate sales tax revenue that funds municipalities, police departments, fire departsments and so on. The little guy is the one who funds social security and medicare.

None of that happens if the little guy is unemployed or underemployed. Wealthy people invest in real estate, but those markets wont come back until people are working and the banks (also owned by the wealthy) start financing again.

The tax cuts have been in place for a number of years, and here we are. I dont see how just keeping those cuts in place at this time does anything positive in this particular situation.
We don't have almost 10% unemployment because of Bush's tax cuts. Rather, because the housing market went bust and brought down the rest of the economy, which is a result of corrupt politicians, banks, and Wall Street. Then there is Obama's insistence on trying to spend America out of the near depression. And then there are Obama's policies that are making an already depressed economy remain stagnant and uncertain because Americans don't like his policies and no one knows what he and his radical left-wing nuts will try to do next. One thing is clear, Obamacare is already a disaster for the economy and will only make things worse in the future. He didn't listen to the American people who didn't want his corrupt, big-government, socialist health care.

Since Democrats took over the House and Senate in 2006, it's been nothing but a disaster.

Democrats had their chance but blew it! :rolleyes:
 
I can agree there are rises and falls. I just dont believe they are unmanageable.

All I'm saying is, the key is the little guy. The guy like most of us. We are the ones who drive production by spending disposable income. We pay the local property taxes that build schools and generate sales tax revenue that funds municipalities, police departments, fire departsments and so on. The little guy is the one who funds social security and medicare.

None of that happens if the little guy is unemployed or underemployed. Wealthy people invest in real estate, but those markets wont come back until people are working and the banks (also owned by the wealthy) start financing again.

The tax cuts have been in place for a number of years, and here we are. I dont see how just keeping those cuts in place at this time does anything positive in this particular situation.
If you tax the producers, there will be fewer jobs.

Tell me, Joey, do you understand how a sub-S corporation pays taxes at the end of the year?
 
If you tax the producers, there will be fewer jobs.

Tell me, Joey, do you understand how a sub-S corporation pays taxes at the end of the year?

There are more jobs when there are more consumers. Taxing "producers" has nothing to do with the number of jobs. If there is no one buying your product, you don't make it. If you can make a profit on it and there are people buying your product you do make it. Simple as that. If the middle class has more money, the upper class will make more money off of them, regardless of how much they are taxed.
 
I'm right and your wrong because you read books and learn things

Translated that for you.

Care to back up your idiotic comment? Maybe you can tell me why you think that production is based solely on how much money the richest guy has, and why you think that middle class consumers are not the ones that drive this economy?



Here is some stuff for you to chew over.

Tax Cuts: Myths and Realities

How about you compare the tax rate and unemployment, then tell me how lower taxes create jobs or how higher taxes cause joblessness?

Unemployment rates for previous years

tax rates for previous years
 
I can agree there are rises and falls. I just dont believe they are unmanageable.

How do you "manage" a bust?

For that matter, how do you "manage" a boom?

Do you think humans are capable of the knowledge necessary to manage that cycle?

All I'm saying is, the key is the little guy.

Most classical economics view one factor as key to economic productivity. For instance, Marx viewed labor as the single most important factor in economic productivity. However, the whole notion of one factor overriding others in importance was discredited with the rise of neoclassical economics in the 19th century.

The tax cuts have been in place for a number of years, and here we are. I don't see how just keeping those cuts in place at this time does anything positive in this particular situation.

First, keep in mind that there were a number of other factors involved as well, both political and economic.

No one is saying that keeping the tax cuts would have some added benefit. What is being argued is that abolishing the tax cuts would be a profound negative in the economy.

Tax cuts are inherently stimulative to the economy and tax increases inherently repress and discourage economic activity. Even John Maynard Keynes understood as much (it was, in part, the basis for his expansionary and retractionary fiscal policies).

While a booming economy may be able to absorb the impact of a tax increase in a boom, do you think the economy can absorb the impact of a very large tax increase in the middle of a major recession?

Many don't think so, including Arther Laffer. In fact, he has expressed the concern of many; that the expected tax increase in 2011 leads to businesses pulling as much business into 2010 as possible (hence the few indicators of a "recovery"). This is setting up a profound double-dip recession come 2011.

This phenomenon is not simply speculation. The most obvious example is in the car market as a result of the "Cash for Clunkers" program. That would be only a microcosm of what the tax increases would do.

Does that not seem like a legitimate concern to you?
 
Translated that for you.

Care to back up your idiotic comment?
How much real world business experience do you have? Ever had to meet a payroll? Do you understand how a sub-S corporation pays taxes at the end of the year and what implications that has for meeting upcoming expenses?

Here's my response to your CBPP article. Wanna play dueling links, I can do this all day.
A Fundamentally Flawed Analysis

The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities’ report fails to counter The Heritage Foundation’s report while offering only a showing of distracting chaff. Not content with providing its own fundamentally flawed analysis, CBPP misrepresents Heritage’s analysis as well. Further, even accepting CBPP’s critique in detail would still not alter Heritage’s overall conclusions that the tax cuts played a relatively small role in past deficits, and that rising long-term deficits are driven entirely by soaring spending.
 
That's the kind of knee-jerk denial, dismissive, condencending remark that I can count on from you. It must really suck when the facts don't fit your distorted view of reality.

In your attempt to be witty, you failed to address the point I made.
Charts like yours don't address the tendency of people in our society to CHANGE demographics and percentiles.

People who start out making minimum wage don't stay in that percentile forever. And many people in the top percentile don't remain their forever either. We have class mobility in this country, something statistics and charts like your fail to represent.

But, frankly, I don't even know what your chart really represents because it's completely void of any specific statistic information. It's about as scientific as the line graph people like you like to post of scientific advancement in the dark ages.
 
How much real world business experience do you have? Ever had to meet a payroll? Do you understand how a sub-S corporation pays taxes at the end of the year and what implications that has for meeting upcoming expenses?

Here's my response to your CBPP article. Wanna play dueling links, I can do this all day.

Yes, I ran a couple small motels.

Hmmm your link is the heritage foundation, my link is an economic research bureau and a couple links to records...... I wonder which link is more slanted? Besides, all your link does is go on and on that CBPP misrepresented them and didn't do a good enough job without ever saying why. Sounds like a conversation with shag when he is wrong.
 
Yes, I ran a couple small motels.

Hmmm your link is the heritage foundation, my link is an economic research bureau and a couple links to records...... I wonder which link is more slanted?
Have you looked at who runs the CBPP? You might want to check into that.

So, do you understand how a sub-S corporation pays taxes at the end of the year, and what implications that has for meeting the next year's expenses?
 
In your attempt to be witty, you failed to address the point I made.
Charts like yours don't address the tendency of people in our society to CHANGE demographics and percentiles.

People who start out making minimum wage don't stay in that percentile forever. And many people in the top percentile don't remain their forever either. We have class mobility in this country, something statistics and charts like your fail to represent.

Its pretty simple, Cal. This isn't rocket science.

Those whose incomes are close enough to a threshold between 2 income brackets and happen to move across it within any given year are simply averaged in with everyone else in the new bracket for that year. Only a small fraction of people in the whole are crossing brackets because it takes several years to cross a single 20%-wide bracket from bottom to top when the average income is growing less than 3%/year. The chart accounts for "class mobility", but it wasn't intended to graphically emphasize "class mobility" in the first place. That would be a different chart. Nice try at a strawman.
 
Tax cuts are inherently stimulative to the economy and tax increases inherently repress and discourage economic activity.

Again, false rhetoric unsuported by the facts (at least w/ respect to the top marginal tax rates).

Tax vs Job growth-sm.JPG
 
Those whose incomes are close enough to a threshold between 2 income brackets and happen to move across it within any given year are simply averaged in with everyone else in the new bracket for that year. Only a small fraction of people in the whole are crossing brackets because it takes several years to cross a single 20%-wide bracket from bottom to top when the average income is growing less than 3%/year. The chart accounts for "class mobility", but it wasn't intended to graphically emphasize "class mobility" in the first place. That would be a different chart. Nice try at a strawman.

You really have no clue about statistical analysis and (more importantly) it's limitation, do you. :rolleyes:

FYI, you need to do better then a "daily kos" source. ;)
 
You really have no clue about statistical analysis and (more importantly) it's limitation, do you. :rolleyes:

FYI, you need to do better then a "daily kos" source. ;)

Typical conservative condecending response. I've forgotten more about statistical analysis than you'll ever know. And Kos linked to the sources of data, care to prove it false? Or shall you hide behind ad hominem attacks, dismissal and condecension like you usually do?
 
I've forgotten more about statistical analysis than you'll ever know.

And yet your history on this forum demonstrates the exact opposite to be true.

If you knew anything about statistical analysis, it's methods and it's limits then you could civilly and thoughtfully confront the point that Cal raised. Instead you treat it as illegitimate. That shows that either you are unable or unwilling to thoughtfully and civilly confront it.

The fact is that the whole notion of income disparity as an inherent problem that must be fixed by government is rooted in an exceedingly simplistic statistical analysis that does not take into account behavioral changes and/or individual changes over time.

Statistics are inherently static; they simply take a snapshot of the moment. When you look at income through this lens and simply define poverty as the bottom 20% of income earners, it is easy to conclude that poverty is a permanent problem that the free market obviously can not fix, necessitating government intervention. However, this analysis ignores a number of factors; mainly due to the fact that society is inherently dynamic.

The 20% in poverty in one moment are not necessarily the same 20% in poverty the next moment. A college student working a part time job or a recent graduate just starting out his career may be in poverty right now, but 5, 10, or 20 years down the line they are well out of poverty. Someone just starting their own business may be in poverty for a year or two until their business starts growing but is not permanently and intractably in poverty.

There is also the problem of defining poverty by income instead of wealth. A very wealthy individual, in order to ride out a rough economy or wait for favorable legislation on the horizon, may choose to put their money in much more secure investments and/or accounts and the minimal interest they get off of those would reduce their income to below poverty. A retiree may have next to no income but lives off the savings and assets they accrued over their lifetime. This individual is technically in poverty when it is defined as the bottom 20% of income earners.

All these are simply some inherent limitations to the typical statistical analysis of poverty that Cal alluded to and that you dismissed as illegitimate instead of thoughtfully and civilly confronting.

Is confronting these limitations simply too dangerous for the exploitation theory, the notion of intractable capitalist wealth disparity and the idea of a rigid class structure that defines your worldview? Would taking a closer look at reality instead of relying on statistical abstraction be too much of a challenge to egalitarian dogma for you to bear? Is the notion of income mobility so much a threat to you that you are scared to confront it?

From here:
Currently there are two models of the American economy, one static, and the other dynamic. The first portrays the United States as a caste system and misapplies the characteristics of a permanent income strata to those only temporarily moving through income brackets. The alternative view portrays a much more complex and interesting social reality in which the composition of income classes are in constant flux. According to this latter point of view, simplistic generalizations about actual persons and families (or "the rich" and "the poor") cannot be drawn from data on a conceptual artifice which does not exist as such in reality.

The empirical data support the view of the market economy as a dynamic and open society which provides opportunity to those who participate. There is no evidence of stagnation, with the turnover rate in the most stable quintile -- the top fifth -- exceeding 35 percent. The turnover rates in the bottom four quintiles were at least 60 percent over the period, with most of this reflecting upward progress. Analysis which assumes or suggests stable composition of family or household income quintiles rests on invalid assumptions. It makes no sense to draw sweeping conclusions such as "the income of the bottom 20 percent of families fell" in a 15-year period when most of the people originally in that category have long since improved their standard of living enough to have moved up from the bracket entirely.

* * *


fig-1.gif

Oh, BTW, the sources your daily KOS article cites all use that same faulty static analysis as opposed to a dynamic analysis which is more accurate and realistic. Can you point to a liberal or governmental source that does not rely on static analysis?
 
Shag, where do I start w/ so many targets?

MOVING GOALPOSTS

First of all, this topic is about income disparity and growth, not class mobility. While they are related, they are NOT the same thing. Cal’s and your insistence of bringing class mobility into this discussion represents your moving the goalposts. I did not dismiss Cal’s argument as illegitimate, I ignored it since it was OFF TOPIC.

The chart I presented was intended to show how prosperous different income classes have been under Democrat vs Republican presidents and their economic policies. It spans a considerable 57 year timeframe so that the data is not slanted by any one president, generation, war, industrial revolution or economic phase. It quite plainly shows that regardless of income level, everyone has prospered more under Democrat president/policies that they have under Republican president/policies. It also shows that when Republicans are in the White House, their economic policies favor the rich and are oppressive to the poor, making “the income disparity problem” worse. This is historical fact, with all of the dynamic interactions that exist in the real world taking place, even the ones analysts are unable to model. No attempt was being made to project what the future might hold. But it does dispel the tired and false Republican rhetoric that they are the party of individual prosperity and that their “trickle-down” economic policies work to benefit people at all income levels.

But to humor you and Cal for a moment, let’s discuss the extrapolation of class mobility from income growth. It’s pretty friggin’ simple. The less your income grows, the less mobility you’ll have getting from one income class to the next. Sure, there are exceptions to the rule. I’m sure back in the ‘70s Bill Gates was near the bottom when he was at his first job and he’s been able to shoot-up through the income classes to the top faster than just about anyone else. His class mobility was driven primarily from his own ingenuity and ability to leverage his skills and build a prosperous company in ways nobody else has. As a result, his income growth is off the charts. However, for the other 98% of us who build a small business or pursue a career path based on a college education or are skilled laborers working in a factory, our class mobility is primarily a function of our income growth. Occasionally, we might change careers, or get a promotion, or come up with a new invention, or get laid-off, all of which are exceptional events that would cause our individual income growth to deviate from that of the masses. But the fact remains, when you look at which political party has been better for the incomes of ALL people and has been fairer to all income classes, the Democrats are way ahead of Republicans on both counts.

Furthermore, you created a strawman argument insinuating that liberals expect the government to fix “the income disparity problem”. Nothing is further from the truth. All liberals expect is that people at all income levels are treated FAIRLY and are given opportunities to prosper equally. Again, Republicans FAIL.

THE STATIC vs DYNAMIC RED HERRING

Once again, you start swinging the static vs dynamic analysis canard around in a lame attempt to make it appear that you know what you are talking about when quite the opposite is true. You state that the chart I presented is flawed since it is a “static” view of the facts and that it ignores “dynamic factors” (i.e.: people moving from one income class to another over time).

You are confusing “dynamic factors” with “dynamic analysis”. As I showed earlier, the chart I presented is a compilation of historical data, data that is a result of 57 years of income growth history where each and every “dynamic factor” that is present in the real world that effects income growth had been in play, even those subtle “dynamic factors” (for example, people getting fired for cheating with the boss’s wife because she was lonely due to his travels overseas to oversee the opening of that new factory, or the retiree dipping into their savings) that analysts are unable to quantify for use in their economic models.

Furthermore, the notion that historical data requires “dynamic analysis” to fully understand it, or for it to be credible, exposes your lack of knowledge of the proper application of “dynamic analysis”. Dynamic analysis is routinely used to predict the future; what should happen if all things (both static and dynamic factors) that affect the future are taken into account. Proper dynamic analysis requires use of a model, which consists of nodes and coupling factors. Nodes include the input and output parameters, as well as any intermediate point within the model where various coupling factors interact. Coupling factors consist of both the static (first-order) and dynamic (2nd, 3rd, 4th etc-order) relationships between various nodes within the model. It also relies on a set of assumptions about initial conditions as a starting point. If the model’s nodes are well defined, and the relationships between those nodes well understood, a model can be used as a fairly good predictor of future events through dynamic analysis. Unfortunately, the reality is that the model is only as good as the definitions of the nodes and coupling factors and in many cases dynamic analysis using a flawed model gives misleading results. The more complex a model, the more important it is that each coupling factor is accurately understood.

Instead of talking about dynamic analysis as a tool to help predict the future, you use it as weapon to discredit data that doesn’t require predictive analysis in the first place. This allows you to hide behind “dynamic analysis” as an excuse to dismiss other’s arguments without having to confront the issue being debated.

DICK ARMEY? SERIOUSLY?

An 18 year-old study endorsed by Dick Armey is the best you can do as a retort? Really?

YOU’RE USE OF SLANTED STATS TO DISTORT REALITY

The chart you clipped from the link to Dick’s report implies that during that short time from 1978 – 1988 (dominated by Reaganomics), people in the lower income ranks moved up more quickly than those in the upper income ranks, that they were more “upwardly mobile”. If this were true, then it would be consistent with the rhetoric espoused by the right that Reagan’s trickle-down economics benefited poorer classes more than the richest classes. However, the fact is that this chart is flawed and distorts the facts to give the false impression that poor have improved their incomes faster than upper classes.

The first flaw is that it lumps both upward and downward turnover into one statistic for a given income percentile. While the text that accompanies the chart states that the statistic includes both upward and downward turnover, you have to go to the next chart in the link (which you “conveniently” omitted from posting in your reply) to see what portion of turnover was upward or downward. This gives the false impression that upward mobility from a given percentile is larger than it really is.

The 2nd flaw is that it hides the fact that the number of people in the 5 different income percentiles are defined by population, not in terms of income $/year. Since there are a greater number of families at the lower end of the income scale, the difference between the lower and upper income thresholds of a given percentile is smaller than for the upper income percentiles where the population distribution vs $/year is more sparse.

From here:

For the years 1978 – 1988 (normalized to $2007):
Percentile / Avg Income / Jump to Next Higher Percentile
20% / $24669.8 / $17500.5
40% / $42170.3 / $18700
60% / $60870.3 / $26145.2
80% / $87015.5 / $54409.5
95% / $141425 / -----

As you can see, to climb the ladder from the 20% to 40% percentiles, your income has to increase $17500. To get from the 60% to 80% percentile, your income has to increase $26145. So naturally, with a smaller income increase necessary to jump to the next higher percentile at the lower end, there will be a higher turnover rate for the lower classes.

Finally, putting prosperity in terms of class mobility merely avoids confronting the question that wage earners really care about: How much will my income increase over the next year? Not “Will I move into a higher income class next year?” The former is in terms that can be spent at the store, the latter is in relative terms that only matter when comparing paychecks to others. But then again, maybe you ARE the type who likes to stand around with your buddies comparing the “size” of your “paychecks”. :rolleyes:

STRAWMAN

A statement like:
“Analysis which assumes or suggests stable composition of family or household income quintiles rests on invalid assumptions.”
…is a blatant strawman. Nobody has made any assumption or assertion that incomes are stable, or that individuals don’t move between income classes. The chart I presented merely shows what influence different political parties have had on the various income classes, if, when, and only as long as, any given person falls into that income class. It was never intended to show class mobility, nor does it assume class mobility does not exist.

BOTTOM LINE:

Moving goalposts, red herring, misleading data, strawman. Yep, sounds like a typical Shag response. FAIL.
 
Just to reiterate and expand upon a very important point Johnny made: The number of people in each quintile is constant. Any given person may move among them, but there will always be someone to replace him when he moves from one to another. The income ranges for each quintile are based on the income of the members of that quintile, not some arbitrary number.

In other words, the income ranges are what's actually dynamic and what important, not an individual's (or group of people's) movement between quintiles.

With that said, statements such as "The turnover rates in the bottom four quintiles were at least 60 percent over the period, with most of this reflecting upward progress" are downright misleading, if not statistically impossible, since you will always have someone moving down for every person moving up.

Again, it's the income range for each quintile that matters, not who moved from one to another. "Income mobility" is meaningless and a red herring in this context.
 
Just to reiterate and expand upon a very important point Johnny made: The number of people in each quintile is constant.

Well, due to population growth and new workers entering the workforce and retirees leaving the workforce, that's not precisely true. Rather, the fraction of the working population in each quintile is constant and it is the income thresholds at the bottom and top of each quintile that changes. But yeah, you see what I'm saying. :cool:
 
Well, due to population growth and new workers entering the workforce and retirees leaving the workforce, that's not precisely true. Rather, the fraction of the working population in each quintile is constant and it is the income thresholds at the bottom and top of each quintile that changes. But yeah, you see what I'm saying. :cool:

Yeah, I figured after I posted it that someone would call me out on that, but it seemed obvious and it was too late to edit my post so I let it go. The gist of it doesn't change though.
 
In other words, the income ranges are what's actually dynamic and what important, not an individual's (or group of people's) movement between quintiles.

Actually, the exact opposite is true. Studies have shown that the vast majority people in bottom 20% of income earners at one point leave that bracket a few months to a few years down the road (a Brookings Institute study, IIRC).

If you define the bottom 20% of income earners as poverty, then that income bracket is not dynamic but static. No matter how much income changes, that bottom bracket is still always the bottom 20%.

With that said, statements such as "The turnover rates in the bottom four quintiles were at least 60 percent over the period, with most of this reflecting upward progress" are downright misleading, if not statistically impossible, since you will always have someone moving down for every person moving up.

There is the problem. Statistical reality is not reality.

You are assuming statistics are reality. Therefore any claim that deviates from that statistical abstraction is self evidently wrong and misleading. You are eschewing reality in favor of abstract arbitrary distinctions that are favorable to your political viewpoint.

Your analysis ignores the fact that statistics are at best a flawed tool to try and understand reality and the "analysis" you are supporting does not operationally account for behavior changes over time or, for that matter, employment and income changes over time.

It is exceedingly easy to get the wrong picture of reality from stats. When some people (like Johnny) looking to manipulate stats to promote an agenda instead of using them to find the truth, it is very easy to get confused.

Again, it's the income range for each quintile that matters, not who moved from one to another. "Income mobility" is meaningless and a red herring in this context.

Income mobility is very relevant and it is foolish if not dishonest and exceedingly intellectually arrogant to dismiss it as a red herring.

Income ranges are simply arbitrary distinctions to facilitate analysis. When Income ranges are placed in more importance then the dynamic factors of society (like income mobility); when they become the standard of judgment you are guaranteed to get a warped picture of reality. However, it is a very useful means to distort toward a political agenda.

Society is not dynamic and when that fact is operationally downplayed and/or ignored in a statistical analysis, that analysis starts to deviate from reality rather quickly.

There is no logical justification to focus primarily at the arbitrary operational distinction of "income range"; to use "income range" as the standard of judgment...unless you are attempting to create the illusion of a rigid class structure (consistent with Marxist exploitation theory). Focusing only on statistical abstraction (indirectly missing the dynamic elements of society) is an invaluable tool to create that illusion.

To focus on "income ranges" instead of "an individual's (or group of people's) movement between quintiles" is to make it clear that the focus is not to glean any truth about society but to distort data on social phenomenon to fit a leftist political agenda. It is not honest inquiry but the sham inquiry of the dogmatist.
There are two kinds of pseudo-inquirer, the sham and the fake. A sham reasoner is concerned, not to find out how things really are, but to make a case for some immovably-held preconceived conviction. A fake reasoner is concerned, not to find out how things really are, but to advance himself by making a case for some proposition to the truth-value of which he is indifferent.

Neither sham nor fake inquiry is really inquiry; but we need to get beyond this tautology to understand what is wrong with sham and fake reasoning. The sham inquirer tries to make a case for the truth of a proposition his commitment to which is already evidence- and argument-proof. The fake inquirer tries to make a case for some proposition advancing which he thinks will enhance his own reputation, but to the truth-value of which he is indifferent. (Such indifference is, as Harry Frankfurt once shrewdly observed, the characteristic attitude of the bullsh!tter.) Both the sham and the fake inquirer, but especially the sham, are motivated to avoid examining any apparently contrary evidence or argument too closely, to play down its importance or impugn its relevance, to contort themselves explaining it away. And, since people often mistake the impressively obscure for the profound, both, but especially the fake reasoner, are motivated to obfuscate.
 
From here:
Income Mobility in the U.S. from 1996 to 2005
Report of the
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY


Summary
This study examines income mobility of individuals over the past decade (1996 through 2005) using information reported on individual income tax returns.
While many studies have documented the long-term trend of increasing income inequality in the U.S. economy, there has been less focus on the dynamism of the U.S. economy and the opportunity for upward mobility. Comparisons of snapshots of the income distribution at points in time miss this important dimension and can sometimes be misleading.
Economic historian Joseph Schumpeter compared the income distribution to a hotel where some rooms are luxurious, but others are small and shabby. Important aspects of fairness are that those in the small rooms have an opportunity to move to a better one, and that the luxurious rooms are not always occupied by the same people. The frequency with which people move between rooms is a crucial aspect of the trends in income inequality in the United States.
The key findings of this study include:
  • There was considerable income mobility of individuals in the U.S. economy during the 1996 through 2005 period as over half of taxpayers moved to a different income quintile over this period.
  • Roughly half of taxpayers who began in the bottom income quintile in 1996 moved up to a higher income group by 2005.
  • Among those with the very highest incomes in 1996 – the top 1/100 of 1 percent – only 25 percent remained in this group in 2005. Moreover, the median real income of these taxpayers declined over this period.
  • The degree of mobility among income groups is unchanged from the prior decade (1987 through 1996).
  • Economic growth resulted in rising incomes for most taxpayers over the period from 1996 to 2005. Median incomes of all taxpayers increased by 24 percent after adjusting for inflation. The real incomes of two-thirds of all taxpayers increased over this period. In addition, the median incomes of those initially in the lower income groups increased more than the median incomes of those initially in the higher income groups.
The degree of mobility in the overall population and movement out of the bottom quintile in this study are similar to the findings of prior research on income mobility.
 
Johnny, I really don't feel like wasting time countering all your half-truths, rhetorical smoke and mirrors and other attempt to marginalize. However, there is one thing that should be pointed out...

You are confusing “dynamic factors” with “dynamic analysis”. As I showed earlier, the chart I presented is a compilation of historical data, data that is a result of 57 years of income growth history where each and every “dynamic factor” that is present in the real world that effects income growth had been in play, even those subtle “dynamic factors” (for example, people getting fired for cheating with the boss’s wife because she was lonely due to his travels overseas to oversee the opening of that new factory, or the retiree dipping into their savings) that analysts are unable to quantify for use in their economic models.

A dynamic analysis is not simply an analysis over time. You are missing what makes a dynamic analysis "dynamic".

What makes a dynamic analysis "dynamic" is the fact that it methodologically accounts for the dynamic factors in society; chiefly, behavioral change.

I have already pointed out the factors that limit statistical analysis and you have yet to confront them. Let me be more explicit. Some factors that limit statistical analysis are...
  • the fact that it is rooted in a "snapshot" of society.
  • It is based in a sample of the population as opposed to the entire population (due to practicality concerns)
  • especially when it comes to income levels, analysis tends to be in the agregate and not focusing on the individual level
These factors all lead to statistical abstraction which is what limits statistical analysis. The abstraction inherent in statistical data tend to hide the dynamic factors of society.

There are two approaches to analyzing these statistics; static and dynamic.

Dynamic analysis accounts for these limits by accounting for those inherent dynamic factors; changes in behavior and what not. Static analysis does not account for those dynamic factors.

Understanding what dynamic analysis is (and is not) is very important in understanding the difference between the two types of analysis.

Here is the wikipedia explanation of static analysis:
Static analysis, static projection, and static scoring are terms for simplified analysis wherein the effect of an immediate change to a system is calculated without respect to the longer term response of the system to that change. Such analysis typically produces poor correlation to empirical results.​

And of dynamic analysis:
Dynamic scoring predicts the impact of fiscal policy changes by forecasting the effects of economic agents' reactions to policy. It is an adaptation of static scoring, the traditional method for analyzing policy changes.

The method yields a more accurate prediction of a policy's impact on a country's fiscal balance and economic output when it can be performed accurately. The potential for heightened accuracy arises from recognition that households and firms will alter their behavior to continue maximizing welfare (households) or profits (firms) under the new policy. Dynamic scoring is more accurate than static scoring when the econometric model correctly captures how households and firms will react to a policy change.

Dynamic scoring is difficult to apply in practice due to the complexity of modeling economic agents' behavior. Economists must infer from economic agents' current behavior how the agents would behave under the new policy. Difficulty increases as the proposed policy becomes increasingly unlike current policy. Likewise, the difficulty of dynamic scoring increases as the time horizon under consideration lengthens. This is due to any model's intrinsic inability to account for unforeseen external shocks in the future.​
 

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